House Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters Thursday that states across the country should redraw their congressional district maps ahead of the November midterm elections, seizing on a Supreme Court ruling that struck down Louisiana's second majority-Black congressional district as unconstitutional. The push comes as Republican-led states are already moving to reshape their political maps, and Democrats are scrambling to respond.
Johnson made the remarks to CNN's Manu Raju in the Capitol, framing the Louisiana decision as a template for other states to follow. The Hill reported that Johnson urged governors and legislatures to act quickly, calling the principle behind the ruling broadly applicable.
The Speaker, himself a Louisiana Republican, left little ambiguity about what he wants to see happen next. States with maps he considers unconstitutional should fix them now, not after the next census cycle, and not after another round of litigation.
Johnson told Raju:
"The Supreme Court said that in Louisiana's case, it was blatantly unconstitutional. And I think that principle applies, probably, in other states as well. And I assume that those governors and legislatures are looking at that closely. We want constitutional maps."
He went further, calling for action before voters head to the polls this fall:
"I don't think it's a controversial notion, and I think all states who have unconstitutional maps should look at that very carefully and I think they should do it before the midterms."
Johnson did not name specific states beyond Louisiana, but the context made the targets clear. Florida and Tennessee are already in motion.
The high court's 6-3 decision in Louisiana v. Callais upheld a prior federal court ruling that barred Louisiana from using district lines drawn by its legislature in 2024. Those lines had created a second majority-Black congressional district, the seat currently held by Democratic Rep. Cleo Fields.
Justice Samuel Alito, writing for the conservative majority, described the ruling as an "update" to Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which prohibits voting practices that discriminate on the basis of race, color, or language. The decision did not strike down Section 2 entirely, but it narrowed how the provision applies to redistricting.
Justice Elena Kagan dissented, joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson. Kagan called the decision part of the majority's "demolition" of the VRA, a characterization that signals the political fight over the ruling is far from over.
For conservatives, the ruling corrects a distortion. Race-based map-drawing, even when dressed up in civil-rights language, violates the equal-protection principles the Constitution demands. The court said so. Johnson is now telling Republican governors to act on it.
Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry and Attorney General Liz Murrill, both Republicans, responded Thursday with a joint statement acknowledging the ruling's immediate impact. They said it enjoined the state "from carrying out congressional elections" under its current map, a striking admission given that Louisiana's primary elections are set for May 16.
Landry posted on X that Louisiana will change its district lines before the 2026 midterms. The joint statement added:
"We are working together with the Legislature and the Secretary of State's office to develop a path forward."
The Washington Post reported that Landry told Republican House candidates he would suspend the state's primary elections to allow lawmakers time to redraw the maps. That would be a dramatic step, but the alternative is holding elections under lines the Supreme Court has declared unconstitutional. Johnson has navigated similarly high-pressure timelines before, pushing through major legislation despite internal party friction.
Florida didn't wait for Johnson's encouragement. On Wednesday, the day before the Speaker's remarks, the Florida Legislature passed a new set of GOP-favored congressional lines and sent the measure to Gov. Ron DeSantis's desk for signature.
DeSantis had pushed for the redistricting effort, unveiling a new map earlier this month. The numbers tell the story: Florida Republicans already hold a 20-8 edge over Democrats in the state's congressional delegation. The new lines could expand that advantage to 24-4.
That kind of shift doesn't happen by accident. It happens when a governor and legislature look at the legal landscape, see an opening, and move. DeSantis did exactly that.
President Trump added fuel to the redistricting push Thursday, writing on Truth Social that he had a "very good conversation" with Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee about redrawing that state's congressional maps.
Trump was characteristically direct about the political stakes:
"This should give us one extra seat and help Save our Country from the Radical Left Democrats."
Tennessee currently sends eight Republicans and one Democrat to the House. That lone Democrat is Rep. Steve Cohen, who represents most of Memphis. A redraw could put his seat in jeopardy, or at least force Democrats to spend resources defending a district they've held comfortably.
The broader dynamic matters here. With a record number of House Republicans heading for the exits before the midterms, every seat counts. Redistricting is one of the few tools that can offset retirements and close races.
Johnson's call is not subtle, and it isn't meant to be. The House majority is narrow. Every district line matters. And the Supreme Court just handed Republican-led states a legal rationale to revisit maps that were drawn under a broader interpretation of the Voting Rights Act, an interpretation the court's conservative majority has now rejected.
Democrats will frame this as a power grab. They'll invoke the VRA and accuse Republicans of dismantling civil-rights protections for partisan gain. But the court ruled 6-3 that Louisiana's race-based map was unconstitutional. Asking states to comply with that ruling is not an attack on voting rights. It's an insistence on constitutional order.
Johnson's margin in the House has been under constant pressure, from members leaving the party to internal disagreements over spending and policy. Redistricting won't solve every problem, but it could provide a structural cushion heading into a cycle where Republicans can't afford to lose ground.
Several open questions remain. Johnson did not specify which states beyond Louisiana, Florida, and Tennessee he believes should act. The full scope of the Callais ruling's impact on other states' maps is still being assessed. And whether Louisiana can actually suspend its May 16 primaries and redraw lines in time for the general election remains an open logistical and legal question.
Johnson has shown a willingness to make bold moves under pressure, sometimes reversing course when circumstances demand it. On redistricting, he appears to have made his position clear early and intends to hold it.
The dissenting justices called this a "demolition" of the VRA. But demolition implies something was destroyed. What actually happened is that the court told states they can't gerrymander by race and call it civil rights. If that principle makes Democrats nervous, it says more about the maps they've been defending than the ruling they're criticizing.
When the highest court in the land says a map is unconstitutional, fixing it isn't a partisan act. Refusing to fix it would be.