The White House confirmed Monday that President Trump supports the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025, the sweeping sanctions bill authored by the late Sen. Lindsey Graham, a measure that would impose 500 percent tariffs on countries purchasing Russian oil and gas. The confirmation, reported by The Hill, came just days after Graham died suddenly over the weekend, and it set off a bipartisan push on Capitol Hill to pass the legislation as a final tribute to the South Carolina Republican.
Graham had announced the White House agreement himself, speaking to reporters from Kyiv during what was his tenth visit to Ukraine. His words now carry the weight of a last public act.
Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, a New Hampshire Democrat and co-sponsor, is leading the effort to bring the bill to the floor. She posted a statement to social media framing passage as the most fitting memorial to Graham's career. Sens. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut and Roger Wicker of Mississippi, the bill's other co-sponsors, joined in the call. The bill now has 85 bipartisan co-sponsors, Newsmax reported, a number that signals near-certain passage if it reaches a vote.
The Sanctioning Russia Act had been stalled for months. Graham and Blumenthal had worked to resolve the White House's earlier reservations during meetings in Ankara, Turkey, shortly before Graham's death. Once those concerns were addressed, Trump gave his approval, a significant shift that Graham himself celebrated publicly.
From Kyiv, Graham declared:
"We've reached an agreement with the White House on a version of the Russian sanctions bill that they will support. It means it's going to become law."
That statement, made during a trip to a country Graham had visited nine times before, now reads as a final act of advocacy. Graham had spent years pressing for tougher action against Russia's war economy, and the bill's core mechanism, a 500 percent tariff on goods from nations that continue buying Russian petroleum and natural gas, was designed to cut off the revenue stream funding Moscow's military operations in Ukraine.
The legislation also includes a provision that would designate Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism unless it returns more than 19,000 Ukrainian children abducted during the war. Graham's language on that point was blunt: "This is what terrorists do, they rape, they murder, they kidnap. If Russia doesn't want to be a state sponsor of terrorism under U.S. law, return the children."
Trump had previously endorsed Graham and maintained a close working relationship with the senator, and the White House's decision to back the sanctions bill reflected the administration's willingness to use economic leverage against nations enabling Russia's war effort. Countries like China, India, and Brazil, major purchasers of discounted Russian crude, would face the brunt of the tariff provisions.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune acknowledged the growing pressure to schedule a vote. "Would be a great legacy, great tribute to Lindsey," Thune said. From the other side of the aisle, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer went further, urging Thune to bring the bill to the floor immediately. "It will pass overwhelmingly and help our allies in Ukraine," Schumer said.
Rep. Mike McCaul, the Texas Republican, echoed the sentiment during a Fox News appearance on July 13, saying Graham "would want nothing more" than for Congress to pass the Russia sanctions bill.
That kind of bipartisan agreement is rare in the current Senate. But Graham had a particular talent for building coalitions on national security, and the bill's co-sponsor list, spanning from Blumenthal on the left to Wicker on the right, reflected that. Graham's long record of political commentary and willingness to work across party lines on foreign policy gave the legislation a foundation that outlasted him.
Shaheen framed the push in personal terms:
"There can be no more fitting memorial to Lindsey, his legacy, or the causes he fought for, than to pass this legislation and realize his long-held dream of an independent and secure Ukraine."
Graham's sudden death also created an immediate political vacancy. South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster moved quickly, appointing Graham's sister, Darline Graham Nordone, to fill the remainder of his Senate term through January. A special GOP primary is scheduled for August for the full six-year term.
The appointment keeps the seat in Republican hands during the interim, and McMaster's choice of a family member signals respect for Graham's legacy rather than a play for factional advantage. The August primary, however, will be closely watched. South Carolina is deep-red territory, and the race to succeed one of the state's most prominent political figures will draw significant national attention.
Trump ordered flags lowered nationwide following Graham's death, and the administration's swift confirmation of support for the sanctions bill underscored the seriousness with which the White House treated the moment.
With 85 co-sponsors already signed on, the Sanctioning Russia Act faces fewer obstacles than most major legislation. The bill had previously failed to advance, but the combination of White House backing and the emotional weight of Graham's death has changed the political calculus. Senators who might have been reluctant to support aggressive new sanctions now face the prospect of voting against a dead colleague's signature achievement.
A joint statement from Graham, Blumenthal, Wicker, and Shaheen issued before Graham's death captured the urgency: "As Russia intensifies its slaughter of civilians, it is imperative that the legislative and executive branches work together to create tools to exact a heavy price on those who buy Russian oil and natural gas, fueling the Putin war machine."
Graham himself had expressed confidence that the formula was finally right. Speaking from Kyiv, he said he had "never been more optimistic" about ending the war.
The DC medical examiner identified aortic dissection as the preliminary cause of Graham's death, a sudden and catastrophic medical event that left no time for goodbyes. What Graham left behind instead was a bill, negotiated, agreed upon, and ready for a vote.
Several details remain unclear. The specific changes made to the bill's text during negotiations with the White House have not been disclosed. The legislation's exact position in the committee process at the time of Graham's death is not publicly established. And while the 500 percent tariff targets nations purchasing Russian energy, the bill's sponsors have not released a formal list of affected countries beyond the frequently cited examples of China, India, and Brazil.
What is clear is the political landscape. The bill has overwhelming co-sponsorship, presidential backing, and bipartisan floor leadership. The question is no longer whether the Senate wants to act, but how fast Thune will schedule the vote.
Graham spent a career arguing that American strength abroad required political will at home. He made his last public case for that principle from Kyiv, on his tenth trip to a country at war. The Senate now has a chance to prove he was right, not as a favor to a fallen colleague, but because the policy stands on its own merits.
Lindsey Graham did the work. The least the Senate can do is finish it.