Virginia's Democrat-controlled General Assembly is sending more than 20 gun control bills to Gov. Abigail Spanberger, including a ban on the sale of so-called "assault firearms" that would take effect July 1. Spanberger has made clear she intends to sign them. The only question now is how fast the legal challenges arrive.
The centerpiece legislation, HB 217 and SB 749, would make the future import, sale, manufacture, purchase, or transfer of firearms classified as "assault weapons" a Class 1 misdemeanor, ARLnow reported. A conviction would carry a three-year ban on buying, possessing, or transporting any firearm. The bills passed both chambers and will land on Spanberger's desk as the General Assembly session wraps up Saturday.
These aren't new proposals. Former Gov. Glenn Youngkin vetoed many of the same measures during his term. Democrats simply waited him out, then ran the table once they had a governor willing to sign anything with "gun safety" in the title.
Spanberger herself set the tone in January, telling legislators at a joint session: "Send them to my desk."
Under Virginia law, an "assault firearm" is defined as a semi-automatic center-fire rifle or pistol equipped with a magazine holding more than 20 rounds of ammunition. The definition also covers firearms designed to accept a silencer or folding stock. The legislation exempts law enforcement, military personnel, antique firearms, non-functioning firearms, and manually operated guns.
The package also bans the sale or transfer of "large-capacity ammunition feeding devices," defined as those accepting more than 15 rounds. Additional bills on the slate include:
Perhaps most striking, a separate bill still being worked out in conference committee would ban adults aged 18 to 20 from possessing, transporting, and buying firearms entirely. Virginia Democrats want to tell legal adults who can vote, sign contracts, and serve in the military that they cannot exercise their Second Amendment rights.
Del. Dan Helmer, the bill's House sponsor, is simultaneously running in the 7th Congressional District Democratic primary. He framed the legislation through his military service:
"Weapons similar to those that I used fighting for our country overseas have no place in our schools, in our churches, and on our streets."
This is a familiar rhetorical move. Invoke military credentials, then conflate semi-automatic rifles owned by millions of law-abiding Americans with battlefield weaponry. The guns covered by this ban are not machine guns. They are not "weapons of war." They are commonly owned firearms that function identically to countless hunting and sporting rifles, differing primarily in cosmetic features.
Susan Koch, the Moms Demand Action lead in Arlington, celebrated Spanberger as "a former Moms Demand Action volunteer" now "holding the pen." The advocacy pipeline from activist organization to governor's mansion could not be more explicit.
The NRA has already drawn its line. John Commerford, executive director of the NRA's lobbying arm, issued a direct warning:
"These extreme bills heading to Governor Abigail Spanberger's desk represent yet another blatant attempt to implement sweeping bans on commonly owned firearms and essential firearm parts. Law-abiding Virginians deserve better than this continued assault on their constitutional rights — and if Governor Spanberger signs these bills into law, we will see her in court."
That phrase, "commonly owned firearms," is not casual language. It echoes the standard set in District of Columbia v. Heller and reinforced in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, which grounded Second Amendment analysis in the text, history, and tradition of firearms regulation. Banning an entire class of weapons owned by millions of Americans faces a steep constitutional climb in the current judicial landscape.
Virginia Democrats know this. They are legislating for the headline and the campaign trail, not for durability. If the courts strike these laws down, they get to run against "activist judges." If the laws survive, they claim a policy win. Either way, the political utility is baked in.
Spanberger has until April 13 to act on the bills. No one expects her to hesitate. The practical result is that Virginia, a state with deep traditions of gun ownership and individual liberty, will join the ranks of states criminalizing the purchase of firearms that tens of millions of Americans own without incident.
The bills do not grandfather future transfers of currently owned weapons. If you legally purchased a rifle before July 1, you can keep it. You just cannot sell it, give it to your son, or pass it down. Possession becomes a dead end.
Glenn Youngkin held the line for four years. Virginia Democrats spent that time stacking identical bills, waiting for the pen to change hands. Now it has. The courtroom is the next battlefield, and the NRA appears ready to meet them there.